Essay on ideals of modern pakistan

Steve Cohen in his The Idea of Pakistan , addresses and builds on that. I think there is probably truth to it. I certainly believe myself that the establishment is of course dominated by the military, but it goes well beyond the military, to encompass members of the foreign policy establishment, members of the planning commission, our business and industrial magnates.

BA English Essays Pakistan and the Modern World Part 5

And the whole thing is held together, people would say, through links of Biraderi and kin. Very little study has been done on this, but they are intermarrying, and in that way strengthening that core base.

Essay on the ideals of modern pakistan

And this throws a completely different dimension on an understanding of Pakistan at this particular level being held together not through ties of kin so as much through ties of marriage between names and big families that matter. Foreign policy is thus driven by objectives articulated and defined by the requirements of national security.

As we may well know, the key sections of our foreign policy, particularly those that relate to relations with India, Afghanistan and USA, are dominated by the military. I would go so far as to say that the military actually exercises a veto on those sections of our foreign policy; so, if you want to equate the military with the establishment then you are on to something. But if you are suggesting that the establishment also includes foreign policy professionals, trained diplomats etc.

We have Mr. Such a narrow definition of the goals of foreign policy, says Dr Shaikh, is not conducive to a balanced approach to international relations. But she says the security narrative has become ingrained in society and therefore difficult to change:. There is no understanding of the national interest as the one that might encompass larger issues of social and economic welfare.

And I think that has very much skewed the debate about what is meant by national interest in Pakistan. However, I would like to emphasis here that a security-informed definition of the national interest, while it may have originated with the military, is now widely shared within what you would call the establishment and sections of the population at large. That security narrative has permeated society in Pakistan now to a much greater degree than perhaps we recognise. In the final analysis, the security narrative is difficult to reconcile with the ideals of pluralism and democracy.

Does she discern any signs of that credibility being restored? It is one that Pakistan is not likely to overcome for a few years yet.

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So much damage has already been done where we have tried to project a certain image but then the image turned out to be hollow in the extreme; and to my mind, there is really very little indication that we are anywhere near a course correction…. I suppose one way in which the country could move forward is by loosening the grip of the military. I think the effects of military rule, not just on things like democratic transition but on society as a whole, are extremely damaging for Pakistan. I think for a more so-called positive image to become tenable the military does need to step back.

In this sense it was not the emergence of a modern class of patriotic officers and operatives within the old Muslim imperial structure as was the case in Turkey but rather the emergence of a modern middle class amongst the Muslim community no longer in power which sought for itself a Muslim homeland. KK Aziz wrote of no less than 80 schemes for the partition of India that emerged before the so called idea of Pakistan as expressed by Dr.

Iqbal in Aziz identifies the author of the scheme as Mian Kifayet Ali who confirmed it in his letters. There are startling revelations which should help historians look at the entire history in a different light. At the same time it was sent to Jinnah as the president of the Muslim League as the League had requested for alternative plans to the federation envisaged under the Government of India Act Jinnah sent an immediate telegram to Nawab of Mamdot, the financier of the publication, asking him to change the name of the scheme.

This scheme is both prophetic and a window into the mind of educated Muslim middle class of the time.


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Mian Kifayet Ali appears to have had a crystal ball when he made his remarkable predictions about the future of Muslim South Asia. But foremost was his idea that Muslims of Northwest India constituted a nation. It is clear that Jinnah went through in detail this scheme and used much of its content in his presidential address in the League session in The Lahore Resolution when seen in the light of the proposals of the Confederacy of India becomes a powerful expression of a Muslim national identity and an instinct towards separatism that is often ignored by all sides of the argument. The book mentions differences of history, culture, laws and ultimately religious doctrine that formed an unbridgeable gap between the two communities.

However after dwelling on these superficial but substantial differences, the author goes into the economic differences that stood in the way of Hindu-Muslim Unity. It is in the end a class argument.


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Muslims were agriculturalists and had a weaker bourgeoisie whereas Hindus had a strong middle class. The author rightly noted that at times the protectionist tariffs affected Muslims and Hindus differently. Kifayet Ali predicted that the movement for separation would be led by and fuelled by a middle class. KK Aziz calls this a remarkable prediction given that it was Jinnah, a self made man from the middle class and not the old Muslim aristocracy that ultimately led the movement. This was because the entire economic and political future was in the hands of the Hindu majority and the fear of marginalization was very real.

Pakistan’s Reluctant Constitutionalism

If Pakistan were achieved they would have an opportunity of investing their money, of dominating commerce, the professions, the government service, of raising tariffs to foster their own industries and so on. The fact that Pakistan would not solve the communal problem for the mass of the people was thus irrelevant. They have said Hindus and Muslims are so different that they cannot live in one state.

The only difference was that Muslim League never said Hindus and Muslims could not live together but rather that there ought to be two states- one Muslim Majority and the other Hindu Majority to fulfill the economic and political ambitions of the rising middle classes of both communities. What Smith does not explain is why the bourgeoisie itself was divided along Hindu and Muslim lines? This had to do with the fact- as I hinted above- that Muslims in history, especially where they had been rulers, have never been able to fuse their identity with the Non-muslim subjects.

Hinduism and Islam especially were not able to forge a united identity because of the totally different natures of both religious and social systems. On the contrary it was the utter and total lopsidedness of the two that necessitated partition. This was the main argument by Kifayet Ali who wrote:.

All trading and industrial concerns are Hindu. The banking and insurance companies from which they borrow are Hindu. The middle men who control the marketing of goods are Hindus. Even the petty shopkeepers are Hindu.

Essay ideals modern pakistan

Some clever and yet utterly dishonest Indian writers have tried to liken the Muslim nationalist grievances to the Nationalist Socialist Party of Germany under Adolf Hitler. I suppose it is very easy to forget that unlike the Jews who were a hapless minority though economically strong, the Hindus were a majority of 3 to 1 in South Asia. On the contrary the above proves that Muslims in United India were — and continue to be — victims of prejudice.

Muslims were a minority. As a result, effective policing has been hindered. USIP has partnered with national and provincial police departments to aid in building police-community relationships and strengthening policing in Pakistan through training, capacity building, and social media engagement. Efforts have resulted in frameworks for legislative reform and over million social media interactions. Building sustainable mechanisms for dialogue, critical thinking and peace education on university campuses.

Among them, youth with access to higher education carry disproportionate influence in society. To tackle growing intolerance of diversity at university campuses, USIP has partnered with civil society and state institutions to support programs establishing sustainable mechanisms for dialogue, critical thinking, and peace education. The goal is to empower young people as the next generation of peacebuilders.

In Pakistan, religious militancy has eroded a traditional culture of music and poetry that favors free expression.

The violent legacy of Indian Partition.

USIP supports local cultural leaders in reviving performances and content that encourages tolerant coexistence. Much of the USIP-supported content has gone viral on social media, with some videos garnering more than 4. Support for peaceful elections to counter violence. In advance of the general elections, USIP supported efforts to promote peaceful elections, with a particular focus on youth and women.

One USIP partner developed a social media campaign that provided accessible civic education about electoral rights and processes, including avenues of accountability to prevent election-related violence and its many consequences.